Additional Blog 2   Democracy
in Danger
I
use the word democracy as it seems to have some resonance with
people. I am not convinced that the word really describes what I want
to write about. I am interested in a situation in which all
individuals are  able to develop their own lives in the way in which
they wish them to develop and, at the same time, to join with others
to provide a society in which this is possible for all people. I do
not conceive of a situation in which the individual is separate from
society. It is in this sense that I use the word. 
Democracy
was seen to be in danger prior to the election of 2019. The starkest
illustration of this was the case of the Communication Workers Union.
Here we had a situation in which the management was seeking to
completely alter the terms of employment of a major group of workers.
 There was no particular need to do this, except that management saw
it as a means of increasing their profitability and of their control
over their workers. Postal workers are amongst the most highly
organised workers in the country and value the structure under which
they are employed. They had also strongly opposed the privatisation
which led to the Royal Mail being
taken out of the public sector. As with all workers, the fall back
position to which they have to adopt in order to defend their
position is to take strike action. The anti-trade union laws place a
series of obstacles in the path of such action. The CWU overcame
these obstacles. As
required they had a ballot of members to which 76% of their members
responded, well over the required threshold. Of those members who
replied to the ballot, 97% voted in favour of strike action. The CWU
had receive an overwhelming endorsement of their call for action.
However, the Post Office Management went to the Courts and got an
injunction against the action. The basis of this was that the CWU
members had voted at work, rather than in the privacy of their own
homes. This takes us right back to the Combination
Acts of 1799 – 1800 1.
In
the immediate period after the election 2019, suggestions were rife
that another group of workers, members of the RMT, would be next in
line. In this case what was being suggested was that in the event of
a strike, the RMT would have the duty of providing a basic service.
Such a situation would
negate the action that was to be taken by the Rail workers. Now, it
is a fact that the success of any enterprise is due to those people
working in the enterprise, that workers create wealth. However, that
is not the position taken by Government.  The implication of such a
decision is that the workers
in an industry are ultimately responsible for the running of the
industry and not the owners or management of the industry. It
absolves all responsibility from the owners
and management,
leaving them free to treat their workers in any way they wish. 
The
2019 Election was an opportunity for people to determine what type of
society they wished to live in. The choice
was clear. They could either support a progressive programme that put
the many
before the few. A programme that ended austerity; restored the Health
Service and Education and other social concerns to a basis of meeting
individual and societal needs; that brought a new approach
to international affairs; that recognised the rights of other nations
and looked to peaceful negotiation rather than acts of war to resolve
problems; and accepted the need to take action over climate change.
Instead, there was an acceptance of the Government line that the
major issue, almost the only issue, was to get Brexit done. Intrinsic
to this was also an acceptance of a continuation of the disastrous
policies that successive Governments had followed since the Thatcher
years.
In
this Blog, I am concerned about the consequences of these decision in
relation to what I have described, and defined as democracy. I have
examined both the Conservative Manifesto and the Queens Speech, which
sets out the Government’s immediate actions  and I now wish to
discuss the implications of these policies. The
Queens Speech states “My Government will take steps to protect the
integrity of democracy and the electoral system in the United
Kingdom”. I will
examine this statement in the light of the statements made in the
Conservative Manifesto.
“We
will tackle unauthorised traveller camps. We will give the police new
powers to arrest and seize the property and vehicles of trespassers
who set up unauthorised encampments, in order to protect our
communities. We will make intentional trespass a criminal offence,
and we will also give councils greater powers within the planning
system”
Consider
this statement. It is a fundamentally racist statement consisting of
an attack on the rights of a group of people, Romany, Gypsies and
Travellers, who choose a different way of living to other people.
They have long traditions and rights that go well back in history.
They are not outsiders but part of our wider community. However, over
the years those rights have been eroded. But it is not only these
communities whose rights have been eroded in this way. We are all
affected by the changes that have and are taking place. This is not
to deny that these communities are the most seriously affected. As
there are so few places that they can now go, they are forced to use
land that has been taken from them. This means that under the
proposed provision they could find that they have all their
belongings taken from them. The proposed action will take away from
them, but give no alternative. Proposals put forward some years ago to
provide them with sites so that they can live in their customary way
have been ignored. 
Before
moving on from this question, I wish to explore the matter a little
further. As I say above, it is an issue that affects all of us.
During the year, we were leafleting on the pavement outside of our
local railway station. We were told that we were not allowed to
leaflet on this pavement because it was owned by the Railway Company.
The Railway station has recently been upgraded and the layout
changed. What was previously a public thoroughfare, a pavement, was
now considered private property. A traditional right of way that had
existed for years was summarily taken away, with no discussion and
without notification. It was only when we sought to give out a
positive leaflet, supporting an integrated society, that we were told
that we had no right to be there. On a recent trip to Birmingham,
close to where we stayed, was a new development, which included
amongst other things a library and information building. In front of
this building was a concourse area. Although it was not our intention,
we were on holiday, we considered this would be an ideal place to
sell papers or distribute leaflets. However, the whole of the area
was ‘Private Space’ and notices throughout the area informed
people that although they could use the space they had no right to be
there. It was private. This is a growing trend for land to be
declared as private with people being allowed to use it on
sufferance. One of the major acts of the community was the mass
trespass of Kinder Scout 2
in 1932 which established the right to ramble. Michael Roberts in his
Blog3
reviewing the book  ‘The New Enclosure’ by Brett Christopher,
notes among other things that in May 1979, more land was owned by the
State in Britain than ever before. Then it was 20 % of Britain’s
total area, now it is 10.5 %.  He also notes that in 1979 42% of the
UK’s population lived in Council housing, the figure is now less
than 8%. The majority of people are slowly being driven from the
land, or at least, their freedom of movement upon the land is being
restricted; back to the Enclosure Acts 4
The
next item I wish to consider is the policies that the Conservative
Manifesto put forward regarding changes to our system of voting and
the length of Parliament.
“We
will get rid of the Fixed Term Parliaments Act – it has led to
paralysis at a time the country needed decisive action.
We
will ensure we have updated and equal Parliamentary boundaries,
making sure that every vote counts the same – a cornerstone of
democracy.
We
will continue to support the First Past the Post system of voting, as
it allows voters to kick out politicians who don’t deliver, both
locally and nationally.
We
will protect the integrity of our democracy, by introducing
identification to vote at polling stations, stopping postal vote
harvesting and measures to prevent any foreign interference in
elections”
There
are three aspects of this that I wish to consider. First, the
question of the Fixed Parliament. This was something that the
Conservative/Liberal Democrat Government under Cameron brought in. It
was a device to safeguard that coalition. It is highly significant
that it was broken twice within two years, by the Party that
introduced it. Now they want to get rid of it. However, what they
want is for the Prime Minister to be able to decide when he goes for
an election. The suggestion is that Parliament will have no say in
this decision. This, in itself, is a dangerous move away from
Parliamentary democracy. I am far from convinced that the changes
that are needed to create the society which I belief is necessary (as
briefly outlined above) can be achieved through Parliament, but I
also believe that we have to defend those structures which can
possibly work in that direction. We live in a parliamentary
democracy, not an elected dictatorship whether in the form of a
Cabinet or Prime Minister. But more of this later.
The
second aspect is the question of boundary changes. Whether we live in
a rural or an urban environment, there are different situations,
needs and opinions existing within our areas. Consider my own
situation. It consists of a number of historic towns brought together
to form a Unitary Authority. At the centre is a large area that would
be defined as working class. It is a fairly run down area with the
level of poverty and other characteristics associated with such an
area. The needs
of this area are common across the whole of the area. Surrounding
this core are newer estates which are relatively more affluent. They
have their own needs
and opinions but these
are of necessity different from those of the inner core. Surrounding
these areas is a far more rural expanse bringing a further different
range of needs and opinions. Under the present electoral boundaries,
this whole area is divided up into three constituencies. The
boundaries are determined by numbers and the need to create a
national system of constituencies according to the principles
determined by Government. Because of the nature of our present system
and of the links between needs and poverty which affects the ability
of people to be involved, and because of the fact that within each
constituency all three groups are included, those in the most
deprived areas are not able to gain the attention they need and their
problems, the greatest of all the groupings, are not met. This
is a clear failing on the part of our electoral system. Boundaries
are determined
on the basis of expediency and are not related to the populations
which they should, but do not, serve. By fixating on a number and
determining to reduce the number of constituencies, as I believe the
intention to be, the problems I have outlined will be exacerbated.
Extinction Rebellion with its citizens panels is beginning to think
more clearly
about the problem of how we get people
to participate in the decisions that affect them and their
communities.
I
must confess that I have not given much detailed thought to the
question of ‘first past the post’ or ‘proportional
representation’. What thought
I had
given was
that the former
provides a government rather than have a number of parties vying for
power but unable to agree on a government. The last year has shown
that this
is not necessarily true. There are figures to show that had there
been a proportional representation system in operation then a left of
centre Government, if not a Labour Government, could have been
formed. Whether such a system would provide the answer to what I feel
is needed, I again
state my reservations.
The
final point made within this policy is on the question of
identification at polling stations. This I believe
to be extremely dangerous. The first point to make is that it is
unnecessary. There is a suspicion that the suggestion arises from
racist grounds. But looking beyond that, there are two suggestions
for the identification, a passport or a driving licence. These are
two things that a large number of people do not have. The introduction
of ‘identification’ would lead to bias in the electorate. People
on low income, young people, poorer older people would be less likely
to have the necessary identification. At every election polling cards
are sent out to those eligible to vote. At the polling station, when
you go along to vote, you have to give your name and address and they
note that you have voted on the electoral roll. At present you are
not required to produce your polling card, it being considered that
this is not necessary. Society functions on a basis of trust and
belief in our fellow beings. Such a proposal as identification raises
serious doubts about the trustworthiness of each and everyone of us. If this
mutual trust breaks down then society is in serious trouble. If we
are not trusted by those  trusted to rule  to over us how can they
expect us to trust them?
“To
support free speech, we will repeal section 40 of the Crime and
Courts Act 2014, which seeks to coerce the press. We will not proceed
with the second stage of the Leveson Inquiry”
I
am afraid I am not fully conversant with the Leveson Inquiry but this
statement rang warning bells.  I looked up the Inquiry to seek
enlightenment. I felt it worth while to remind my readers of some of
the points made by the Report.
“I
know how vital the press is – all of it – as the guardian of the
interests of the public, as a critical witness to events, as the
standard bearer for those who have no one else to speak up for them.
Nothing in the evidence that I have heard or read has changed that.
…..With these rights, however, come responsibilities to the public
interest: to respect the truth, to obey the law and to uphold the
rights and liberties of individuals. In short, to honour the very
principles proclaimed and articulated by the industry itself” 5
 
However,
what I am aware of is the role that the Press and the Media played
during the Election 2019. This election campaign was the worst
campaign that I have ever been involved in. The amount of
disinformation and the personal attacks, particularly the massive
amount of personal vilification directed at Jeremy Corbyn, was beyond
anything that I have known in elections going back to 1945. As some
examples of the response that was made to these attacks, I would
refer readers, among other examples, to media lens at
www.medialens.org; to Jeremy
Cook’s Blogs and the book ‘Bad News for Labour’. The press and
media in this country is largely in the hands of big corporations who
have no interest in the changes that are necessary to create the type
of democracy that I defined at the start of this blog.
“After
Brexit we also need to look at the broader aspects of our
constitution: the relationship between the Government, Parliament and
the courts; the functioning of the Royal Prerogative; the role of the
House of Lords; and access to justice for ordinary people. The
ability of our security services to defend us against terrorism and
organised crime is critical. We will update the Human Rights Act and
administrative law to ensure that there is a proper balance between
the rights of individuals, our vital national security and effective
government. We will ensure that judicial review is available to
protect the rights of the individuals against an overbearing state,
while ensuring that it is not abused to conduct politics by another
means or to create needless delays. In our first year we will set up
a Constitution, Democracy & Rights Commission that will examine
these issues in depth, and come up with proposals to restore trust in
our institutions and in how our democracy operates”
We
return now to the comments I made earlier with regard to the
constitution. Our political system is based on a balance between the
legislature, the executive and the judiciary. We are a parliamentary
democracy. The House of Commons is the elected voice of the people
and therefore is supreme. The role of the House of Lords  is as a 
scrutinising body and the role of the Queen is basically to sign off
decision of the Commons. The function of the Judiciary is to ensure
that the decisions of the House of Commons that have been formulated
as legal instruments are in fact carried out in accordance with these
legal statements. This leaves the relationship between the Executive
and the Legislature. Over the past decades there has been a subtle
shift in this relationship, particularly in relation to the role of
the Prime Minister. Without any decision having been mooted or
considered, there has been a shift in practice towards a more
presidential approach, with the Prime Minister assuming much greater
power. As an example of my view, I draw attention to the first
Government that I was old enough to experience. Clement Attlee was in
many ways not a strong personality, however, his Cabinet consisted of
a number of very able and strong characters. Attlee’s great ability
was to keep his Cabinet united and allow them to carry out their
responsibilities. Compare that with the Election 2019 which was all
about Johnson and to a lesser extent Corbyn. The problem that Johnson
had is that faced with a Parliament that he could not control, and a
Judiciary which was prepared to carry out its function and declare
some of his actions  unlawful, he was unable to do what he wanted to
do. His solution is to seek to change the structure, not to increase
the involvement of the people, directly or indirectly through
Parliament, but to increase his powers. His aim is to strengthen the
Executive at the expense of both the legislature and the judiciary.
This is clear in the fact that he is not prepared to allow Parliament
to be involved with the decisions regarding provisions for Brexit.
Equally
dangerous are his view on updating the Human Rights Act. This act is
usually seen in relation to the European Convention on Human Rights,
but it should be seen in terms of the United Nations Declaration of
Human Rights. This document was drawn up as a result of the events
that led to the Second World War and the horrors of Nazi Germany. It
sets out a basis for the treatment of people throughout the world. In
addition they have also produced a similar document setting out the
rights of the child. We already have the most draconian anti –
trade unions laws and the aim of Government seems to be to make these
laws even more restrictive. The threat to human rights is extremely
serious and needs to be resisted in every way possible. 
There
is certainly a need to “to
restore trust in our institutions and in how our democracy operates”
but I do not believe that we can trust this Government to
create the type of democratic society that I defined in my opening
paragraph
Scribart
07.01.2020
1These
 acts were directed against trade unions (combinations of workmen)
 when the government feared unrest and even revolution. Combinations
 were in fact already illegal under both common law and statute; the
 Acts were intended to simplify and speed up prosecution by summary
 trial (Note on the web: Combination Acts | Encyclopedia.com)
2The
 mass trespass of Kinder Scout, also called the Kinder Scout
 Trespass.,was an act of wilful trespass by ramblers and members of
 the Young Communist League - Wikipedia
3Michael
 Robert’s Blog at thenextrecession.wordpress.com
4The
 Enclosure Act 1773 is an Act of Parliament passed during the reign
 of George 111. The Act is still in force. It created a law that
 enabled enclosure of land, at the same time removing the right of
 common access.  - Wikipedia
5Leveson
 Inquiry Executive Summary paragraphs 5 and 6 at
 assets.publishing.service.gov.uk
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